Democracy charade undermines rights

Washington — The established democracies are accepting flawed and unfair elections for political expediency, Human Rights Watch said this week in releasing its World Report 2008. By allowing autocrats to pose as democrats, without demanding they uphold the civil and political rights that make democracy meaningful, the United States, the European Union and other influential democracies risk undermining human rights worldwide.

States claiming the mantle of democracy, including Kenya and Pakistan, should guarantee the human rights that are central to it, including the rights to free expression, assembly and association, as well as free and fair elections. But in 2007 too many governments, including Bahrain, Jordan, Nigeria, Russia and Thailand, acted as if simply holding a vote is enough to prove a nation "democratic," and Washington, Brussels and European capitals played along, Human Rights Watch said. The Bush administration has spoken of its commitment to democracy abroad but often kept silent about the need for all governments to respect human rights.

"It's now too easy for autocrats to get away with mounting a sham democracy," said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. "That's because too many Western governments insist on elections and leave it at that. They don't press governments on the key human rights issues that make democracy function — a free press, peaceful assembly, and a functioning civil society that can really challenge power."

In its World Report 2008, Human Rights Watch surveys the human rights situation in more than 75 countries. Human Rights Watch identified many human rights challenges in need of attention, including atrocities in Chad, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia's Ogaden region, Iraq, Somalia, Sri Lanka, and Sudan's Darfur region, as well as closed societies or severe repression in Burma, China, Cuba, Eritrea, Libya, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia and Vietnam. Abuses in the "war on terror" featured in France, Pakistan, the United Kingdom and the United States, among others.

Grave human rights abuses are fueling the worsening humanitarian crises in Somalia and the Ogaden region of eastern Ethiopia. "The situation in Somalia and Ethiopia's Ogaden region, where millions are suffering, is a forgotten tragedy," said Roth.

Sudan's government bears principal responsibility for five years of the Darfur crisis, Human Rights Watch said. Some 2.4 million people are displaced, and 4 million people survive on humanitarian aid. In the last weeks, villages in West Darfur have been attacked, and civilians are at great risk as all sides ignore international humanitarian law. Burma's military government, notorious for decades of abuse, used deadly force in August and September in response to peaceful protests by monks, pro-democracy activists, and ordinary civilians. Hundreds of people remain arbitrarily detained. In Sri Lanka, heavy fighting between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and government forces led to deliberate and indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Hundreds of people have "disappeared," and more than 20,000 have been displaced.

Israel's blockade of Gaza denies 1.4 million residents the food, fuel and medicine they need to survive, a collective punishment that violates international law. Palestinian armed groups continue to launch indiscriminate rocket attacks on populated areas of Israel in violation of international law.

Human Rights Watch said sustained international pressure around the 2008 Olympic Games could push Chinese leaders to better respect human rights in China. But Human Rights Watch warned that the staging of the Olympics is exacerbating problems of forced evictions, migrant labor rights abuses, and the use of house arrests to silence dissidents. The Chinese government is cracking down on lawyers and human rights activists.

"The 2008 Olympics are an historic opportunity for the Chinese government to show the world that it can make human rights a reality for its 1.3 billion citizens," said Roth.

U.S. abuses against so-called "war on terror" detainees are a major concern; 275 detainees are still held at Guantanamo Bay without charge. Some of those remain after being cleared by the United States for release, because they cannot be sent home and no country will resettle them.

The United States continues to have the highest incarceration rate in the world, with black men incarcerated at more than six times the rate of white men.

Human Rights Watch has documented a number of elections manipulated through: outright fraud (Chad, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Uzbekistan); control of electoral machinery (Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Malaysia, Thailand, Zimbabwe); blocking or discouraging opposition candidates (Belarus, Cuba, Egypt, Iran, Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Libya, Turkmenistan, Uganda); political violence (Cambodia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Lebanon); stifling the media and civil society (Russia, Tunisia); and undermining the rule of law (China, Pakistan).

Many of these tactics are illegal under domestic and international law, but rarely do outside powers call governments to account for it. Human Rights Watch said established democracies are often unwilling to do so for fear of losing access to resources or commercial opportunities, or because of the perceived requirements of fighting terrorism.

Human Rights Watch said the United States and the European Union should insist governments do more than hold a vote, and demand they uphold rights guaranteed by international law, including a free media, freedom of assembly, and a secret ballot.

"It seems Washington and European governments will accept even the most dubious election so long as the 'victor' is a strategic or commercial ally," Roth said.

The United States and some allies have made it harder to demand other governments uphold human rights when they are committing abuses in the fight against terrorism. And when autocratic governments deflect criticism for violating human rights by pretending to be democrats, the global defense of rights is jeopardized, Human Rights Watch said.

In Pakistan, where President Pervez Musharraf has tilted the electoral playing field by rewriting the constitution and firing the independent judiciary, parliamentary elections are due in February. But the United States and Britain, Islamabad's largest aid donors, have refused to condition assistance to the government on improving pre-electoral conditions.

In Kenya, the United States has at least expressed concern about the apparent rigging of December's presidential poll and the violence that to date has claimed more than 700 lives. But having accepted the results of oil-rich Nigeria's February 2007 vote, despite widespread and credible accusations of poll-rigging and electoral violence, Washington left the impression in Nairobi that fraud would be tolerated. It has not even threatened to withhold aid to push the government to negotiate with the opposition.

"Nigeria's leader came to power in a violent and fraudulent vote, yet he's been accepted on the international stage," said Roth. "It's no wonder Kenya's president felt able to rig his re-election."

Bizarrely, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which is supposed to promote democracy, human rights, and security, agreed to give its chair in 2010 to Kazakhstan, which has vast oil and gas reserves coveted by both the EU and Russia. The OSCE decision came after the Kazakh ruling party "won" every seat in August parliamentary elections, in which, according to the OSCE's own monitors, the media was censored, the opposition suppressed, and the counting flawed.

Human Rights Watch noted positive developments in holding abusive leaders to account. Alberto Fujimori and Charles Taylor, the former presidents of Peru and Liberia, are on trial for human rights abuses. The International Criminal Court holds its first trial in May.

The World Report 2008 includes essays on China's foreign policy; how activists helped create the Yogyakarta Principles for gay rights; the scourge of violence against children at school, in the home, on the streets and in institutions; and the British government's erosion of the torture ban through "diplomatic assurances" against ill-treatment.

Source: World Report 2008

Who owns Kenya?

By Otsieno Namwaya

Kenya’s two former First Families and the family of President Mwai Kibaki are among the biggest landowners in the country.

A residual class of white settlers and a group of former and current power brokers in the three post independent regimes follow them closely while a few businessmen and farmers, many with either current or past political connections, also own hundreds of thousands of acres.

The extended Kenyatta family alone owns an estimated 500,000 acres — approximately the size of Nyanza Province — according to estimates by independent surveyors and Ministry of Lands officials who spoke on condition of anonymity.

The Kibaki and Moi families also own large tracts of land though most of the Moi family land is held in the names of his sons and daughters and other close family members.

Most of the holders of the huge parcels of land are concentrated within the 17.2 per cent part of the country that is arable. The remaining 80 per cent is mostly arid and semi arid land.

In fact, according to the Kenya Land Alliance, more than a half of the arable land in the country is in the hands of only 20 per cent of the 30 million Kenyans. That has left up to 13 per cent of the population absolutely landless while another 67 per cent on average own less than an acre per person.

The building land crises in the country, experts say, will be difficult to solve because the most powerful people in the country are also among its biggest landowners.

The tracts of land under the Kenyatta family are so widely distributed within the numerous members in various parts of the country that it is an almost impossible task to locate all of them and establish their exact sizes.

During Kenyatta’s 15-year tenure in State House, there was an elaborate scheme funded by the World Bank and the British Government, the Settlement Transfer Fund Scheme, under which the family legally acquired large pieces of land all over the country.

Among the best-known parcels owned by Kenyatta’s family, for instance, are the 24, 000 acres in Taveta sub-district adjacent to the 74, 000 acres owned by former MP Basil Criticos.

Others are 50, 000 acres in Taita that is currently under Mrs Beth Mugo, an Assistant minister of Education and niece of the first President, 29, 000 acres in Kahawa Sukari along the Nairobi—Thika highway, the 10, 000 acre Gichea Farm in Gatundu, 5, 000 acres in Thika, 9,000 acres in Kasarani and the 5, 000-acre Muthaita Farm. These are beside others such as Brookside Farm, Green Lee Estate, Njagu Farm in Juja, a quarry in Dandora in Nairobi and a 10, 000-acre ranch in Naivasha.

The acreage quoted in this report is not extracted from official government records — there are none and those that exist are scattered and some cases incomplete — but are estimates based on close to a year of interviews with farm staff, independent surveyors, Ministry of Lands experts and land rights NGOs.

Other pieces of land owned by the Kenyatta family include the 52,000-acre farm in Nakuru and a 20,000-acre one, also known as Gichea Farm, in Bahati under Kenyatta’s daughter, Margaret. Besides, Mama Ngina Kenyatta, widow of the former President, owns another 10, 000 acres in Rumuruti while a close relative of the Kenyatta family, a Mrs Kamau, has 40,000 acres in Endebes in the Rift Valley Province.

It is understood that in the late 1990s, the Kenyatta family started considering the possibility of disposing of parts of the land in Nairobi.

In the lead-up to the 2002 general elections, for instance, there were indications that the family was considering selling the 100-acre piece of land in Karen. But even with that, the Kenyatta family would still own a sizeable part of Nairobi, such as the 1,000-acre farm in Dagoretti owned by Kenyatta’s first wife Wahu.

It is also understood that part of the land on which Kenyatta and Jomo Kenyatta Universities are constructed initially belonged the Criticos family. The government bought the land from him in 1972 under the Settlement Transfer Fund Scheme.

It is alleged, though there is little compelling evidence, that the land was transferred to the Kenyatta family the same day Criticos sold it to the government.

Neither is it clear how much the family paid for it.

Land for the two universities was subsequently donated by the family.

Under President Kenyatta, most of the power wielders either formed or were associated with land buying companies through which they acquired huge chunks of land around the country, especially at the Coast and in Rift Valley.

They took most of the land previously owned by the former white settlers, which had initially been earmarked for resettling those who had been turned into squatters by the colonial land policies.

One of the most famous land buying companies was Gema Holdings.

Most of the people — including retired President Moi and his former Vice President, Mwai Kibaki — who had considerable political influence in the Kenyatta regime, were given the opportunity to buy as much land as they could.

One of President Kibaki’s earliest acquisitions is the 1,200-acre Gingalily Farm along the Nakuru-Solai road. He bought it in the late 1960s.

And in the 1970s, Kibaki, who was then the minister for Finance under Kenyatta, bought 10, 000 acres in Bahati from the then Agriculture minister Bruce Mckenzie. Kibaki also owns another 10, 000 acres at Igwamiti in Laikipia and 10, 000 acres in Rumuruti in Naivasha.

These are in addition to the 1,600 acre Ruare Ranch that came to the limelight when it caught fire last year.

Just next to Kibaki’s Bahati land are Moi’s 20, 000 acres although his best known piece of land is the 1,600 Kabarak Farm on which he has retired. It is one of the most well utilised farms in the area, with wheat, maize and dairy cattle.

The former President owns another 20, 000 acres in Olenguruoni in Rift Valley, on which he is growing tea and has also built the Kiptakich Tea Factory. He also has some 20, 000 acres in Molo.

He also has another 3, 000-acre farm in Bahati on both sides of the Nakuru/Nyahururu road where he grows coffee and some 400 acres in Nakuru on which he was initially growing coffee.

The former President also owns the controversy ridden 50, 000 acre Ol Pajeta Farm—part of which has Ol Pajeta ranch in Rumuruti, Laikipia. Last year, the family put out an advert in the press warning the public that some unknown people were sub-dividing and selling it.

Land transactions are ongoing and some of these farms may have changed hands.

Lands minister Amos Kimunya said yesterday the Government is formulating a land policy, which will address the question of idle land.

"If it is lying idle, the Government will definitely apply the law to the letter to ensure it is put to productive use," he said.

"The policy is being developed by the people. At the end of it all, views that emerge are to be synthesised to come up with prudent policy." But the Government has no quarrel with the size of land one owns. "The question is, is that land, notwithstanding the size, being put to productive use?"

The truth about the Naivasha killings

By Odhiambo T. Oketch

I have been to Naivasha on two occasions to help evacuate some of my relatives who were victims of the violence that took place in Naivasha.

The first time, we did not get the gory details of what took place, and I bet, the press is afraid of bringing some of these planned murders and killings in Naivasha to the fore.

We must have the courage to face the truth and confront the same, then talk of the healing process. If we sweep this under the rug, we are doing nothing.

Politicians and administrative officers involved

The Naivasha Massacre was planned in complicity with government agencies. The police were informed, and they only brought officers who were not armed to confront the murderous Mungiki (banned militia) team.

The DC (District Commissioner) was in the picture, as some of the politicians who had lost in the recent general elections. They were well coordinated by donations from some current cabinet ministers and the pangas (machetes) that they used were bought at the Shamba Hardware store in Naivasha town.

When the Mungiki were to strike on the January 27, 2008, the prison warders came out and thwarted all their moves. They retreated so that orders could be made to bar the prison warders from coming out in support of non-Kikuyus who were the target.

When they struck the second time, they were under police escort, and they specifically killed Luos, in a systematic way. They torched their houses and chased them like rats in town.

When the Luo organized themselves to hit back, the police shot at the them instead. This went on for three days. Within this time, the Mungiki murderers were housed at LakeSide and Silver Hotels.

They used to come to town at 6:00 am, reign terror until 6:00 pm when they retreated to their hotels to brief their paymasters, chief among them former and current MPs.

The Naivasha Massacre of the Luos was well planned in a meeting attended by politicians like Uhuru Kenyatta and Jayne Kihara among others, and top businessmen such as Chris Kirubi, Jimna Mbaru, and George Muhoho.

They were annoyed that it is the Luo who had made things elephant for them. They hence came up with a plan that hitting at the Luo would be the best thing. They did not look at the fact that it is the Kalenjin who removed them mostly from the Rift Valley. They thought that it was the Luo who had made the Kalenjin do that.

Biased Red Cross and Mungiki paymasters

The Kenya Red Cross Society that has been acclaimed as one of the best relief support agencies, did not come to the aid of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) at Naivasha Prisons for a whole 3 days, yet, they were in Burnt Forest and Eldoret within hours of the fracas breaking out.

It came out that the Red Cross, just like the government, was partisan in addressing the problems. In the case of Naivasha, the Red Cross and the government were looking at it as a Luo affair, not a Kenyan affair.

This partisan approach to the massacre has exposed the Red Cross as a dishonest agency.

When the Mungiki youths went to Kabati cemetery for oath-taking, the police were very much in the picture. When they ransacked Kabati Estate, the police looked helpless. When the people ran to Naivasha Prisons for safety, the police moved in on the road, armed and ready to shoot at anyone who dared come out of the prison.

I reckon they should have been engaging the Mungiki so that they could save non-Kikuyu property, but they only escorted them on the macabre mission.

The world must know the truth. And it is this truth that will set us free.

Why were Kikuyus hell bent on eliminating Luos from Naivasha, when it is a known fact that Luos never killed any kikuyu in Nyanza at the beginning of the evictions?

Why were Kikuyus in Naivasha cheering and telling Luos that they wanted Majimbo (regionalism), yet now had to be evicted?

Why were the police under instructions to safeguard Mungiki, and to shoot to kill at any show of resistance, people who stood helpless as their houses were being burnt and their people killed as they watched?

It is time to make clear distinctions; those who shout loudest about crimes against humanity, are the main paymasters of the murderous Mungiki sect.

Kenya’s Darkest Days: A Nation Beset With Violence

How could a poorly handled democratic election quickly plunge this relatively peaceful nation into chaos? What does this reveal about Kenya, Africa—and mankind as a whole?

By Samuel C. Baxter

Election Day in Kenya, Dec. 27, 2007. Long lines of citizens patiently wait to pick up a ballot, mark off the candidates of their choosing, and drop the completed form into the ballot box. More than 30,000 local and international, accredited election observers scrutinize each phase of the process, working to ensure the vote is free and fair, even watching as each ballot is hand-counted.

The International Republican Institute, a nonprofit nonpartisan organization who monitored the election, initially commended Kenya in a press statement for “the peaceful manner in which Election Day was carried out.”

“However,” it stated, “voting is only one part of the process. The vote count and the acceptance of the results by the people are equally important.”

During the following hours and days, mobs armed with machetes and clubs roamed the streets, hacking and beating those who held opposing political views, and pillaging the areas they destroyed. Smoke from fires set by rioters mixed with retaliatory tear gas. Throngs of police wielding white batons and gray metal shields attempted to quell the unrest, firing live rounds, and beating rioters, onlookers or anyone loitering outside their homes.

The mobs left charred black frames teetering where villages once stood. A church was leveled in a fire, started after more than 50 people fled to it for safety, then were locked inside and burned alive.

The violence, which has been churning for over a month, has left over 850 people dead and displaced more than 300,000. The United Nations has stated that about 500,000 require urgent help. Many fear that Kenya will never acquire the relative peace that it once knew.

Blame for the violence has been pinned on a rigged election, stubborn politicians and ethnic tensions.

Opposing Sides

In only a matter of days, Kenya suffered a national meltdown. Held up as an example of a peaceful, developing African nation, this country has entered what have been called the “darkest days” since its 1963 liberation from Britain.

As the election drew near, Raila Odinga, the prominent contender against the current president, began to pull ahead in the polls. On the day of the vote, early reports declared Mr. Odinga the winner, but the official count declared that the incumbent, President Mwai Kibaki, had won by a mere 230,000 votes.

Mr. Kibaki, who was sworn in for a second term less than an hour following his electoral victory, was dismissed by Mr. Odinga, who asserts the election was a fraud.

International groups also question the results. The European Union and members of the African Union have expressed serious concerns about the nature of the election after reports surfaced that there were instances of voter inconsistencies in several large voting constituencies across Kenya. After meeting with both sides of the opposition, the United States envoy to Africa told the Associated Press, “Yes, there was rigging. I mean there were problems with the vote counting process...both the parties could have rigged.”

Both Mr. Odinga and President Kibaki refuse to budge on how they view the results. It took the better part of a month for the two leaders to discuss the election-related violence. However, most saw this meeting as fruitless—a mere handshake and a photo opportunity. Still, Mr. Odinga refuses to accept his rival’s victory, demanding another trip to the polls. President Kibaki holds that the election was fair and there is no need for a revote.

There is another obstacle complicating Kenya’s move forward: Mr. Odinga’s party won 95 parliament seats, while Mr. Kibaki’s party won only 43. Kenya will be hard-pressed to make any political progress unless these two parties can reach a consensus on the election results and how to end internal turmoil.

However, this is not merely a political problem. Bands of young men brandishing bows and arrows and machetes—who feel Mr. Odinga should have won—roam the countryside terrorizing villagers who largely supported President Kibaki. Boys carrying sticks attempt to block main roads, crying, “If the election fails, violence prevails.”

These problems run deeper than politics. The election has brought long-held ethnic tensions to the surface. Mr. Odinga is a member of the Luo tribe, as are many of his supporters. President Kibaki is a member of the Luos’ longtime rival, the Kikuyu tribe.

Kenya has a long history of tribal tensions. In 2007, 300 people were murdered due to inter-clan violence, prior to the presidential election flashpoint.

The Root Cause

It may be difficult for those in Western nations to understand nationwide unbridled acts of human nature resulting from one botched election. The blessings the West enjoys ensure that riotous violence rarely rears its head in such a complete way, making what is occurring in Kenya seem strange. However, it should not be.

News organizations and experts generally point to the political reasons and continuing tribal tensions as the source of Kenya’s current crisis. But this is not the case.

To best grasp the true cause of the crisis, we must look beyond the web of political wrangling and long-held intertribal grievances, and examine the very nature of human beings themselves.

One only has to look to Hollywood and literature to see what characteristics are inherent to the human condition—lust, greed, revenge and hatred, often lashing out with some degree of physical aggression. These bursts of violence drive nearly every plot ever written. And just as these fictional violent acts fill movie theatre screens, real violence fills the pages of newspapers and news websites from the world over.

The real life scenes in Kenya’s mob-ridden streets, still playing out daily more than a month after the election, illustrate this dark fact of humankind:

• A group of young Luo men set fire to a bus they believed was owned by Kikuyus, in response to an incident the day before, when Kikuyus trapped 19 Luos, including 11 children, inside a house and burned them to death.
• Hospitals have seen rape cases double—with doctors knowing well that the crime generally goes untreated and unreported.
• Men set up blockades to rob approaching cars or pull passengers out of vehicles and hack them to death with machetes.
• Police were forced to stand between 400 youths from one ethnic group and 500 from another in an attempt to extinguish an all out battle.

Violence is filling Kenya to the brim, with no end in sight.

History also is rife with examples showing violence is intrinsic to mankind. The last century was filled with such acts—the Holocaust, the Vietnam War, Tiananmen Square protests, genocide in Rwanda, etc. This list would be endless if one were to look back into the millennia mankind has existed. One such account recorded in the Bible shows that during the days of Noah, the entire “earth was filled with violence” (Gen. 6:11).

Scripture also reveals that mankind’s governments are leading humanity into the earth’s darkest days, that thousands of years of man ruling as he sees fit would result in a time that would be “as the days of Noah” (Matt. 24:37)—that in these days the earth would be “corrupt before God” (Gen. 6:11) and again would be filled with acts of violence—just like Kenya has become.

Human nature is defined in the Scriptures, detailing the reason for man’s long history of violence. The book of Romans explains, “There is none righteous, no, not one” (Rom. 3:10)—and reveals that mankind’s “feet are swift to shed blood: destruction and misery are in their ways: and the way of peace have they not known: there is no fear of God before their eyes” (3:15-18).

Said plainly, the capacity for violence and murder lies within all human beings! While this may seem a stretch for those in nations blessed with relative peace, it takes only one controversial law being passed, the killing of a citizen by a police officer or a natural disaster for riotous violence to surface even in these countries. In bleak times, violence boils over.

This human nature is a characteristic that no government system now in place can outlaw, or deter with tear gas, plastic shields or batons.

While recognizing mankind’s violent nature is helpful, as it identifies the cause of the problem, it is not a solution. Again, periods of lawlessness and violence have been seen throughout history and without a way to change man’s nature, these gruesome acts will continue to grow worse.

God’s solution for the times of Noah—which, again, typify the times in which we are now living—was to wipe out mankind, save a few. While He has promised to never completely do this again (Gen. 8:21), Jesus Christ will soon return to wipe out the governments of men, which are based upon human nature and have brought forth these dark times and the foreboding future. With these systems removed, a flawless government will be set in place. Coinciding with this monumental event, man’s violent nature will be changed, allowing peace, joy, equity and prosperity to flourish.

Quite a stark contrast to the present.

Copyright © 2008 The REAL TRUTH.

Seeking lasting solutions to Kenya's problems

By Dino Kanyotu

We spend a lot of time pushing things under the carpet, atleast questions that need answering is forensic scanning of pathological issues that brought about this

1. hope for all, with our voices in the voters card
2. land
3. equity/economic emancipation where people are accorded a chance at equal footing
4. elections triggered an issue that was long suspended or hidden people had to come out send the message
   

This is not rocket science, if divided into short term and long term intervention and driven by the needs of the people which is people driven to underscore the basic tenets of economic livelihood of Kenyans drawn along the divide with our rich heritage looked at positively. Our differences should be used for unification, to bring about cohesion to push forward diversity and integration.


We should and it is our joint responsibility to single out the ills from the entire divide objectively in midwifing a new beginning. In addition facilitate change through widening our view looking at the bigger picture Kenya not our tribal constituencies and affiliations. Should we drive others because they belong to the wrong tribe? Pertinent questions are whether we have been blind all this years not to notice that our neighbours are from wrong tribes. If that is true , what wrongs have they committed and did living harmoniously contribute to breaking down of the society fabric? Our school lives, majority are included in this interacted with diverse groups of people notwithstanding their tribes. Schooling and education as defined by Decartes and Plato saw education as a tool to make us a social being therefore integrate and fit in the society. There is a difference between being educated and learned. The word school, Plato says that when one has a belief, one thinks things, but different things from those that one thinks when one has knowledge. What one thinks when one has knowledge is "what is. " That is to say, the things which one thinks when one has belief fall under the heading "what is not." In his argument that "all judgements are true" and in the relevant argument "from knowing and not-knowing". In short judging a falsehood is the same as touching a unicorn; for judging what is false means judging what is not, which is not judging at all


Closer to us our own Ngugi Wathiong'o wrote a book Decolonising the mind which is an exposite of political and ideological slant. He writes of two mutually opposed forces in Africa today: an imperialist tradition on one hand, and a resistance tradition on the other. Imperialism for him continues after the colonial period: it is the rule of consolidated finance capital. Ngugi's worldview here is still profoundly Marxist, and one has to question how useful this simple division imperialism versus resistance is at the beginning of the 21st century. (Curiously he chooses to see the class struggle as universal, never considering that it too might be an imperialist fiction imposed on Africa despite not fitting African tradition, culture, or history.) And this is what we see in Kenya today with the current impasse, the rich and the poor, the home guards and the oppressed using us for their selfish gain. He focussed on art with a purpose: be it pedagogic or political or helping preserve traditions or forge identities, all the literature he considers serves a purpose. The simple beauty of art isn't at issue for him -- in part, no doubt, because he does not want to admit that politically incorrect art (of any stripe or colour -- even art with say a blatantly imperialist message) might still have some value.


Students of history will attest to the lessons from bring down the Berlin war and to reasons for unifications as opposed to balkanising them to some warlord led states. Hey Kenyans, It is my plea that we woke up from this stupor, we are in 21st century where the world is a village that should not be seen along ethnic lines. In retrospect supporting your man will not change the lives of poor Kenyans the village unless you are connected. Let us start with ourselves and redeem our hearts and thought process to decolonise our imprisoned minds. In our small world we should see that all these start with us for a better Kenya , not a divided one full of vitriol. We got to begin now. After all our incomes, jobs will not change with the differences, but may change if discussions across the table are inclusive


See yourselves as champions of change ,the exposure you have had should be used to our people’s advantage to re educate them of their responsibilities to act responsibly and send message to the status quo that we have Kenya that is bigger than their dreams .We have all sorts of experts peddling cheap rhetoric since all this began, but when you read through there are no solutions offered, they are either based on support or rumours. We have the responsibility to pull the problems apart , view them with forensic heart and ask ourselves what brought about this?


Further down, do you know how much our people are suffering? Businesses lost are massive, what we need is preaching harmony and healing. The current political dispensation require you and I to act with some decorum and responsibility to emancipate people who are imprisoned in their tribal cocoon. Being Kikuyu, Luo hate will not give me better job, improve my status only aggravate it. As is happening elsewhere the burden is heavy on those with income to support our kinsmen and relatives.


We are at crossroads that we need to explore strategies that would stir, stimulate economic growth and independence for our people. This is only possible in peaceful atmosphere, no one is spared of this , hence providing an enabling environment for business, skills development and economic growth through our concerted effort. Ask not what the society can do for you but what you can do for it


My approach is simple though hope would be clear and concise in a coherent way, I tried posting this somewhere though in a different context but was branded an Odinga sympathiser


A. Issues to be addressed in the reconstruction planning for Kenya should include:

1. Overall reconstruction effort underpinning an overall strategy monitor and assist a planning effort carried out at provincial level—or inter-provincial level around economic development that cascade across the boundaries
2. Explore development plans that have synergies with political spectrum to ensure maximum exploitation of potential of politics in development
3. Create an implementation plan that is autonomous but overarching special development authority with technical assistance; through a coordinating contractor or grantee; by beefing up an existing provincial or regional organization; or possibly by trying more than one technique in different areas.
4. Involve local stakeholder in various implementation plans i.e CBOs, Faith groups, Opinion holders, Administrators and local community reps
5. Revamp the local CDF to jumpstart and stir local economies through a reconstruction plan with an open agenda which is inclusive
   

B. Orientation in Conflict Resolution and Consensus Building
The development partners will certainly face deep seated emotions and mutual distrust and animosities amongst the local groups and organisations in the post conflict reconstruction. It will therefore be imperative to hold joint stake holder planning with neutral facilitators which should include taster programmes in provision of training in conflict resolution and consensus building for the belligerent parties, particularly among leaders and the planning groups. This will be appropriate for in-country representatives of the principal donors and non-governmental organizations involved in implementing the reconstruction program. Special programs for fostering reconciliation should also be planned for political and administrative leadership at both national and local levels.


At the onset the training programme should be facilitated by outside/neutral experts or acceptable individuals by the group, to be taken over eventually as continuous activity by local learning providers and local groups.


C. Demobilization of militias
Demobilisation strategy should involve disarming process of the Mungikis, local groups which involves integration into the society whilst scoping social enterprise scheme involving training, business start up and skills sharpening. At top of the agenda should be the involvement of private sector, public sector in rolling out micro finance schemes, training work shadowing and mentorship. Accelerate the process in an integrative manner that involves the general population and in an equitable way, targeting a wider populace at the same time.


Activities that would be beneficial could be done through special programs in which the ex-conflictive zones participate in land transfers, vocational technical training, agricultural credit, micro-enterprise credit, and assistance to the war-wounded. Close emphasis should be made on inter party consultation and for an integrated planning process to go beyond the regrouping of militias Their leaders should be allowed should be accorded opportunity of travelling to travel to post conflict or areas where reconstruction is taking place.


On the other hand delays in demobilization as long as political reconciliation has been done, though rapid demobilisation may also have knock on effect to minimise the resumption of fight; media should also be encouraged to respond to conflicts positively and not to peddle rumours
In all likelihood, all post-conflict situations will leave large numbers of people in need of repatriation and devastated areas badly in need of rehabilitated infrastructure to facilitate commerce, a revival of industry, and access to health and education facilities. Perhaps it would be feasible to work closely with NGO and CBOs to manage of the immediate humanitarian assistance and rural infrastructure activities. They might work under the general supervision of, and be paid by, nongovernmental humanitarian organizations or donor-funded contractors.


D. Special Health Needs.
The immediate post-conflict health needs will involve expanding or establishing health care facilities in the war zones and ensuring health coverage for all and sundry. The success of this effort will depend in part on the availability of on-going programs that can be expanded on short notice.


Secondly, special health problem for civilians will include post-conflict traumatic stress disorders (psychosis and acute and severe depression).There will be need to address immediate technical assistance to survey the magnitude of the problem; identify existing and needed institutional capabilities (including facilities near the victims); and design a strategy for the activities needed to cope with the situation. There may be special needs for women and children in families in which where the militias will be reintegrated.


E. Structure and Timing of Assistance to the Agricultural Sector
Kenya’s mains stay is Agriculture, displaced persons should be assisted and encouraged return to farming in the former conflict areas. Infuse programs to provide agricultural credit and technical assistance to those wishing to return to or go into agriculture. In addition, because many of the potential farmers may require technical assistance, they should be supported provided with grant schemes in the venture.


On the other hand land transfer, should be given proper attention and land allocation board presided over by the local communities and the ministry should be a priority. Land transfers are not easy to administer under the best of circumstances. They are especially difficult to carry out in conflict zones, where buildings and farms may have been destroyed and where owners of the land may be difficult to locate. Special efforts will be needed to streamline procedures and facilitate the participation of those without land. Furthermore, the beneficiaries will need shelter and a safe water supply immediately. Probably few will have ever owned farms or be skilled farmers. They will need technical assistance on how to grow crops and/or raise livestock and on farm management. They will need credit for inputs.


The timing of the technical assistance and credit must relate to the growing season or it may be lost. The amount of credit must be sufficient to augment all income-generating activities of the farm and raise food for the family, not just enough to plant one specific cash crop. The terms of the credit should be designed to improve the credit worthiness of the recipients, not just permit them to survive. Special arrangements, including possibly revised legislation, may be needed to ensure that women farmers can have access to land, credit and technical assistance.


Inadequate attention to the foregoing can result, on one hand, in inadequate numbers being given land at demobilization and, on the other hand, those who have settled not being able to make a reasonable living. Either result can have seriously adverse political results and possibly threaten the peace process.


F. Implementation Mechanisms and Procedures
Once the a peace accord is assigned by the aggrieved parties , both ODM and PNU to build cordial working relationship The implementing agency should be seen as a counter –insurgency agency and the effort should be seen to have been fairly executed.


It is desirable to work with local NGOs affiliated to local communities in reconstruction programme since they are familiar the population/organisations, additionally they would be bale to deal with both financial controls /requirements and the areas.


G. Local Political and Administrative Structures
The provision of health services and revamping of the local economy may be important in Kenya but the local involvement is deciding on priorities for rural infrastructure projects is equally important.


In some post conflict situations, it may be that there are no locally elected personnel—only appointees. Whether local officials are appointed or elected, it will be important for the success of the reconciliation process for the "outsiders" to be able to participate freely and meaningfully in local decision-making as soon as possible. This could be done by establishing development planning committees and project implementation monitoring committees with proportionate representation from local groups and organizations. Development partners should use their influence to ensure that any local groups that will relate to donor-funded activities should include appropriate representation from women or women's groups.


H. Local Infrastructure
To stimulate meaningful economic growth, it would be helpful to people together—as well as providing funding for badly needed local infrastructure. Once programs are in place to replace major infrastructure (roads, railroads, electric power, and urban water supplies) and local infrastructure, it will be important to initiate a planning activity to bridge the national and the local. The District Development Committees, or inter-regional plans should be based on development poles or magnet areas, should be prepared.


The planning for regional or provincial infrastructure should look not only at the needs and how to meet them. The planning should also look at the financial and technical manpower requirements for maintenance of the infrastructure once constructed and propose institutional mechanisms for ensuring that the needed maintenance would be carried out efficiently and effectively.


The construction of safe water supply facilities and appropriate sanitary facilities is potentially one of the most important activities in a local infrastructure program. It is essential, however, that the activity be seen as a health activity, not just infrastructure. Such projects in rural areas will not have the desired health impact, nor be sustainable, unless there is organized community participation and meaningful (to the community) health promotion activity preceding, during, and after the construction period The local participation should be inclusive and democratic with women having slots in driving it..


I. Monitoring Human Rights
Human rights monitoring offices (national and international) should be established in partnership with local security teams with workshops, seminars, etc. to provide the training and orientation proposed above in value for human and consensus building and organize other activities to promote reconciliation at all levels. One such activity might be the holding of a conference on the human rights situation in the country (or a region) and the steps that would be needed to deal with the threat and foster a more homogeneous society.


In conclusion, I would highlight the need to push forward an inclusive agenda that is participatory and transparent set on:

• The planning process for demobilization and rebuilding
• Orientation in conflict resolution and consensus building
• The actual demobilization of militias, and
• The monitoring of human rights violations.
  

And Kofi Anan team should come with binding resolutions that are fool proof , which will not be manipulated